Having a set of deeper forces

Israel's Democratic Crisis Beyond Netanyahu's Plans

  • The mass demonstrations in Tel Aviv and other cities are a reflection of a deep ideological divide within the state. A.B

  • Gallant called for a freeze on reform of the judicial system given that hundreds of reservists interrupted training. BD

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Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has unleashed what critics say is an all-out assault on his country's democracy, now putting it under siege. Over the past four months, hundreds of thousands of Israelis have demonstrated against his right-wing government's plans to reform Israel's justice system, which aims to bring the government to control the courts, an idea on the agenda of religious extremists and right-wing nationalists in Netanyahu's coalition, but which provoked a profound backlash against him and was seen as destroying democratic norms.

Netanyahu is in a shaky position on the international stage, having always been his playground where he feels comfortable, as his plans have brought a lot of rebuke from US President Joe Biden and the leaders of France, Germany and Britain. The Israeli demonstrations have highlighted discontent in Washington with Netanyahu, who has dominated Israeli politics and relations with the United States for much of the past decade. Rising opposition in Israel has fractured the right-wing Likud party, which Netanyahu has dominated for several years.

On Saturday, Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Galant called for a freeze on reform of the justice system, given that hundreds of reservists boycotted the training and members of the Israeli army joined the protests. "This situation poses a clear and tangible threat to the security of the state," he said in a statement, adding: "For the sake of the State of Israel, for the sake of our sons and daughters, the judicial process must be stopped."

Exacerbation of the crisis

Gallant resonated with two other Likud lawmakers, who raised the possibility that the opposition could weaken Netanyahu's coalition in parliament. Netanyahu expelled Gallant from the government, exacerbating the crisis, and the number of demonstrators in front of the Knesset doubled after police fired water cannons to drive demonstrators away from Netanyahu's home and chanted the word "democracy."

In Washington, liberal supporters of Israel assert that Netanyahu is determined to stay in power, faces a corruption case, and is widely believed to be willing to do everything to save himself. Dan Ben-David, an Israeli economist from Tel Aviv University, said he was "aware of the extent of the damage he has caused to the country. As the man who served for the longest time in Israel's history, he worries about his legacy, which seems to be shattering now."

Dependence on religious parties

Former Netanyahu employee Afif Bushinsky told the Washington Post: "My view is that he has lost control, he did not expect to face all this opposition on the street and the world."

If Netanyahu loses control, it is because the storm he provoked is bigger than he is as a person. To gain power, he brought to his coalition bands of far-right and settlers, and relied heavily on the support of extremist religious parties, which see the proposed judicial reform as a vehicle to push their religious project to the heart of Israeli society. It gave impetus to a right-wing, illiberal extremist agenda that had been gaining momentum for years.

The mass demonstrations in Tel Aviv and other cities, attended by wealthy and secular Israeli figures, are a reflection of a deep ideological divide within the state. The deputy dean of Tel Aviv University's Faculty of Law, Yofi Tirosh, told my journalist colleague Shira Rubin: "The government's reform plans represent a breakdown of the delicate balance between mainstream Israel and ultra-Orthodox people who have realized that they can rely on a liberal and prosperous society with a strong military."

Extremist forces

But some analysts on the Israeli left point out that another set of deeper forces has played an important role: millions of Palestinians living under the de facto control of the military are denied the same rights as their Israeli neighbors. The mere presence of these Palestinians overshadows any substantive debates about what Israeli democracy represents.

This seems to be true, especially when we see how someone like Bezalel Smotrich, a far-right settler leader, has become an important member of Netanyahu's government, wields civilian authority over the occupied West Bank, and has recently declared that the Palestinians as a people do not really exist. It is no coincidence that Palestinian territories and political aspirations are top priorities for Netanyahu and his far-right allies, as they unveil their plans for judicial reform.

Occupation and democracy

Israeli-American journalist Merav Zontsin wrote: "Among the demonstrators were Israel's wealthiest figures, marching the streets, demanding the rule of law and democracy, while Israeli forces were destroying Palestinian homes, siding with settlers terrorizing Palestinians, denying them freedom of movement and assembly, putting them in prison for long periods without trial, killing and torturing Palestinian civilian demonstrators, and expelling Palestinian activists from their homeland. Inside Israel, Palestinians face structural discrimination and inequality under an explicit policy that prioritizes the rights of Jews."

Finally, Israeli peace activist Gershon Baskin participated in an anti-government demonstration holding a banner saying, "No democracy with the occupation," and Baskin wrote in an editorial for the Jerusalem Post, "No honest Israeli can claim that controlling millions of Palestinians without granting them civil rights, political human rights, can be called democracy." "While many Israelis have finally woken up to the distortions in our democratic system and the threats facing us, perhaps they are now waking up to the need to confront the essence of our existence as a modern liberal society, which must be equal to all who live under one system."

Ishan Tharoor. International affairs writer for the Washington Post

• Netanyahu is in a shaky position on the international stage, after this has always been his playground in which he feels comfortable, as his plans have brought a lot of rebuke from US President Joe Biden and the leaders of France, Germany and Britain.

• To come to power, Netanyahu brought to his coalition bands of far-right and settlers. He relied heavily on the support of religious parties that see the proposed judicial reform as a vehicle to push their religious project to the heart of Israeli society.

• The wealthiest figures in Israel were among the demonstrators walking the streets demanding the rule of law and democracy, while Israeli forces destroyed Palestinian homes, sided with settlers who terrorize Palestinians, deny them freedom of movement and assembly, put them in prison for long periods without trial, kill and torture Palestinian civilian demonstrators, and expel Palestinian activists from their homeland.